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« INDONESIAN invasion of Australia in 2010 »
Welcome Guest. Please Login or Register. Dec 20, 2009, 9:46pm
Oh Dear ..the grubby lil worm efm is back. It will come. with a combination of Global Warming and mad islam
Most Australian pple think Indonesia is a backward primitive country if u must know..
They practice unspeakably cruel practices toward their animals, have mo regard for human rights issues(all the pple that died as boat pple etc)
The primitive is exampled by the Bali bombings etc...the primitive is exampled by hanging pple for drug offences on their first offence..regardless of circumstances..barbaric and unevolved to say the very least
It is convenient, then, that many members of the public believe that Indonesia does pose a serious threat. One hundred eighty million people, most of them packed onto one small island. Surely they are desperate to occupy those vast lands of the Australian outback!
The Defence Department does not encourage this sort of thinking, but others do. It is certainly convenient for those who argue for higher military outlays.
The irony is that the Australian government's policies are precisely those which do most to increase the Indonesian military threat. Indonesia's government is dominated by the military. It stifles dissent and wages war on groups that continue to seek autonomy, most obviously in West Irian and East Timor.
The Australian government provides support for the Indonesian regime in many ways, of which three are most important. First is diplomatic recognition. Acceptance of the legitimacy of the Indonesian government and its policies provides immeasurable support for it internationally and internally. Second -- the obverse of the first -- is failure to support opposition groups within Indonesia. Third is support for business links.
The Timor Gap Treaty brings together these three types of support. It legitimises the Indonesian government, denies the significance of the opposition in East Timor and was concluded to promote the interests of industry.
There are a number of other ways in which the Australian government supports the Indonesian regime, such as providing military aid, but the three ways mentioned are crucial. Note that other groups are implicated in this support too, including Australian businesses, workers and tourists.
The result of these processes is a neat reinforcement of current policies. Support is given to Indonesian military rulers. Indonesia is thought to pose a military threat to Australia. Therefore, strong military forces are needed to defend against the threat. (An added bonus is that Australian military power can, if necessary, be used by Indonesian rulers to justify their own militarisation and repression.)
There have been many critics of this process, such as supporters of East Timorese independence and critics of Australian military spending. Most of the energy has gone towards criticising Australian government policy. Unfortunately, this is the area where progress is least likely. Why? Because trying to change government policy means becoming one lobby group among many, without any way of acting directly.
A more promising avenue for intervention is to support nonviolent, democratic opposition groups within Indonesia. The long-term aim should be a bloodless collapse of the regime, such as occurred throughout Eastern Europe in 1989.
The weakest link in any dictatorship is the people themselves. Few Indonesians want to come to Australia to live. Few would want to be in the army if there were decent alternatives. The Indonesian people want most of all a chance to live in peace and security in their own land.
There are plenty of actual and potential opposition groups: religious groups, workers' groups, student groups, professional groups, not to mention nationalist movements in East Timor and elsewhere. The challenge is to help these groups wage a struggle for nonviolent overthrow of the Indonesian regime and its replacement by a democratic, participatory system.
Why a nonviolent struggle? Nonviolent methods -- strikes, boycotts, demonstrations, sit-ins -- are ones in which all people can participate, and provide the best opportunity for forging a truly popular movement. Repression against nonviolent opponents undermines the legitimacy of the regime. Nonviolent opposition has a much better chance of winning over members of the army, whereas guerrilla struggle tends to unify the military. Given that the regime has the overwhelming military power, it makes most sense to undermine loyalty rather than fight violence with violence.
Of course, Australians are hardly in a position to criticise guerrilla struggles against Indonesian repression. The Indonesian people must make their own decisions about methods of struggle. But if Australians decide to intervene in another society, they are on much safer ground if they support only nonviolent methods of struggle -- namely the methods of struggle which should be considered acceptable in any free society. Let it be only the governments and corporations that supply training and technology for killing, maiming and repressing dissent.
What can be done to support democratic opposition within Indonesia? Quite a lot.
* Symbolic support for opposition groups: articles, petitions, letters. * Visits to groups in Indonesia; sponsoring of trips by Indonesians. * Circulation of information on nonviolent methods of struggle, by mail, leaflets, computer networks and radio. * Promotion of "ethical tourism": encourage people to refuse to visit a dictatorship. * Workers' action against trade with Indonesia, especially trade in weapons or other technology aiding the regime. * Boycotts of Indonesian goods. * Action against Australian companies that do business with Indonesia, especially businesses that help to maintain the regime.
Some of these things have already been done, especially in relation to East Timor. The scope for further such actions is great.
If the Australian government were involved in a campaign to promote nonviolent transition to democracy in Indonesia, things would be much simpler. Radio broadcasts could be set up and statements made in international forums. It is even possible to imagine production of cheap and easy-to-use short-wave radios and their distribution throughout Indonesia by "tourists" or even drops by aeroplanes. An act of war? Not exactly. It would be an act of nonviolent offence.
Setting up communications systems is of crucial importance. There are two reasons why the November 1991 massacre in Dili generated such outrage internationally. First, those killed and injured were involved in nonviolent protest. Use of violence by the protesters would have provided a convenient justification for the action by Indonesian troops, which of course is why those justifying the massacre alleged that there was violence from the protesters.
The second reason why the Dili massacre created headlines is that there were credible witnesses present, including television footage. The greater the communications links with Indonesia, the greater the opportunity for internal dissent without repression.
Even without government support, a campaign to support nonviolent opposition in Indonesia could still be quite effective. It would also have important spinoffs in Australia. It would provide many people with skills and experience which could be used in struggles against repression and inequity in Australia. It would build powerful links with many Indonesians who, consequently, would be willing to support democratic struggles in Australia. Finally, it would provide a convincing alternative to that perennial justification for Australian military strength: the alleged threat from Indonesia.
At some stage, the present regime in Indonesia will be toppled and current opposition groups will provide the country's leaders. These very people are greatly alienated by present Australian government policies of appeasing repression. How much more sensible it is to build their trust by adopting the principled position of supporting democrats and opposing dictators. Since the Australian government refuses to do this, the Australian people must do it on their own.
BRIAN MARTIN wrote that and teaches in science and technology studies at the University of Wollongong
Much can be achieved with a smile. Admittedly, much more can be achieved with a smile and a gun.
Joined: May 2008 Posts: 25 Location: Canberra ACT Karma: 0
Re: INDONESIAN invasion of Australia in 2010 « Reply #123 on May 11, 2008, 3:52am »
You could always get Savage to come and defend us efm. Hes got lots of GUNS One thousand people across the world are killed each day from small arms. All we have to do is Get the Indonesians to adopt US Gun LAWS and presto ! No need to worry about an Indoesian invasion of Australia They wil implode and finish themselves off
The NRA says, 'Guns don't kill people - people kill people.' That may be true, but I think the gun helps. You're not going to kill many people by standing around shouting 'bang!'.
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Re: INDONESIAN invasion of Australia in 2010 « Reply #124 on May 17, 2008, 1:40am »
Indonesia's police, armed forces and intelligence services routinely torture and degrade criminal suspects to extract confessions, with almost total impunity for those responsible, a United Nations rights body says.
The UN Committee Against Torture says it is "deeply concerned about numerous ongoing credible and consistent allegations" of abuse in the Indonesian justice system.
Military officials and "morality police" were also found to use disproportionate force and violence, particularly against women, in the Aceh province and other areas of conflict, the 10 member independent panel says in the report released in Geneva.
It cited "grave concerns over the climate of impunity for perpetrators of acts of torture, including military, police and other state officials, particularly those holding senior position."
"No state official alleged to have perpetrated torture has been found guilty," the committee said.
Its 14 pages of findings are not legally binding but do carry diplomatic weight.
The report expounded upon the concerns raised in November by UN torture expert Manfred Nowak, who said torture of detainees in Indonesian police custody was rife despite efforts to combat rights abuses after the ousting of autocratic former president Suharto.
The UN panel calls on Jakarta to take immediate steps to uphold legal safeguards for those taken into custody, including ensuring all detained suspects get the right to access a lawyer, notify a relative, be informed of the charges laid against them and be brought before a judge in a timely manner.
Particular concern was raised about "morality police" in Aceh - split by separatist violence for decades before a peace pact in 2005 - which the panel says has an undefined jurisdiction and unclear supervision by public or state institutions.
"The necessary legal fundamental safeguards do not exist for persons detained by such officials, including the absence of a right to legal counsel, the apparent presumption of guilt, the execution of punishment in public, and the use of physically abusive methods (flogging, caning, etc)," it said.
"The punishments meted out by this policing body have a disproportionate impact on women," the committee added, also raising alarm over a high incidence of rape and sexual violence committed by the military in conflict areas, and sexual abuse and forced labour against female migrant workers in the country.
It further called on Jakarta to fully cooperate with international efforts to investigate, prosecute and extradite those responsible for abuses in East Timor, a former Indonesian territory that became independent in 2002.
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Re: INDONESIAN invasion of Australia in 2010 « Reply #125 on Jun 13, 2008, 10:11am »
Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and the Indonesian President have agreed to push for greater dialogue between Muslims and Christians.
Both leaders say they disagree with the theory that a clash of civilisations is inevitable.
"There is nothing inevitable about the clash of civilisations," Mr Rudd said.
"But in fact, there are huge commonalities between us which we need to build on.
"Interfaith dialogue between our countries and more broadly across the globe is an area where our two countries will have further to say in the months ahead."
But Mr Rudd's understanding of faith in Indonesia was sorely tested when he was asked about the biggest religious issue Indonesia has been focused on this year - the future of the Ahmadiyya sect of Islam, which has had its activities restricted by a government decree because it recognises a prophet other than Mohammed.
"The Ahmadiyya, one of the organisations here in Indonesia, Ahmadiyya is [looking] for political asylum to Australia. Do you have comment on that?" one journalist asked Mr Rudd.
"Firstly I'm not familiar with the circumstances of this particular matter," he replied.
He went on to talk about the need to respect international obligations when it came to asylum seekers, but he clearly had not been briefed on the Ahmadiyya issue which is currently gripping this nation of almost 200,000 Muslims.
Lost in translation
Mr Yudhoyono was asked if he wanted Australia to follow the lead of the United States and lift its warning against travel in Indonesia.
"I do look forward that this advisory would be lifted," his translator told the assembled media.
But Mr Yudhoyono had not said that at all. Rather, he had given an anodyne answer about the situation in Indonesia being good and returning to normal.
Outside, the President's spokesman Andi Mallarangeng rushed to set the record straight.
"Actually, the President didn't say that," he said.
"That was a mistake ... the President asked, you know, let the Prime Minister, the present Government of Australia to consider by itself."
Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and the Indonesian President have agreed to push for greater dialogue between Muslims and Christians.
Both leaders say they disagree with the theory that a clash of civilisations is inevitable.
"There is nothing inevitable about the clash of civilisations," Mr Rudd said.
"But in fact, there are huge commonalities between us which we need to build on.
"Interfaith dialogue between our countries and more broadly across the globe is an area where our two countries will have further to say in the months ahead."
But Mr Rudd's understanding of faith in Indonesia was sorely tested when he was asked about the biggest religious issue Indonesia has been focused on this year - the future of the Ahmadiyya sect of Islam, which has had its activities restricted by a government decree because it recognises a prophet other than Mohammed. http://www.answering-islam.org/Ahmadiyya/ "The Ahmadiyya, one of the organisations here in Indonesia, Ahmadiyya is [looking] for political asylum to Australia. Do you have comment on that?" one journalist asked Mr Rudd.
"Firstly I'm not familiar with the circumstances of this particular matter," he replied.
He went on to talk about the need to respect international obligations when it came to asylum seekers, but he clearly had not been briefed on the Ahmadiyya issue which is currently gripping this nation of almost 200,000 Muslims.
Lost in translation
Mr Yudhoyono was asked if he wanted Australia to follow the lead of the United States and lift its warning against travel in Indonesia.
"I do look forward that this advisory would be lifted," his translator told the assembled media.
But Mr Yudhoyono had not said that at all. Rather, he had given an anodyne answer about the situation in Indonesia being good and returning to normal.
Outside, the President's spokesman Andi Mallarangeng rushed to set the record straight.
"Actually, the President didn't say that," he said.
"That was a mistake ... the President asked, you know, let the Prime Minister, the present Government of Australia to consider by itself."
Re: INDONESIAN invasion of Australia in 2010 « Reply #127 on Jun 14, 2008, 7:42am »
Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has praised the rebuilding of Indonesia's tsunami-devastated Aceh province and pledged that Canberra would remain a long-term partner.
Australia was the first nation to offer aid to Indonesia after the disaster, sending transport aircraft and military personnel, as well as millions of dollars in government cash.
Mr Rudd, on the final leg of a Asian trip after visiting Japan, said it was unimaginable what had happened when the monster waves hit the province of Aceh, which lies on the northern tip of Sumatra island, after a huge quake on December 26, 2004.
"I salute the courage of this community for having rebuilt this school," he said.
Mr Rudd reopened the Ulee Lheu Islamic school near the provincial capital of Banda Aceh that was reconstructed with Australian cash.
At least 297 out of 312 students were killed when the school was hit by the waves, while most teachers also died, he said.
"It's very much a practical example which I think speaks to the world at large about what a country like Australia, a Western country, predominantly Christian, can do in partnership with our friends here in Indonesia, the largest Muslim community in the world," he said.
The tsunami obliterated vast areas along the coast, leaving around 170,000 people dead or missing in the province. Many thousands more were killed in other Indian Ocean nations.
Mr Rudd said that it was not only extraordinary how the community had rebuilt but also how the tragedy had been taken as an opportunity to help heal the wounds of years of conflict.
Aceh suffered three decades of fighting between the government and the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in which 15,000 people died. The conflict ended with the signing of a peace agreement in 2005, months after the tsunami.
Mr Rudd paid tribute to Mr Howard for rapidly pushing through a $1 billion government aid package after the disaster.
"For the future, Australia also intends to be a long-term partner of the people of Aceh, in the community here in Banda Aceh, for the long-term economic development," he said.
Mr Rudd said in Jakarta on Friday that Australia and Indonesia were looking into setting up a regional centre to co-ordinate disaster relief.
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